
In the popular imagination, Abraham Lincoln is the patron saint of racial brotherhood. But the reality was very different.
For much of his life Lincoln was a member of the American Colonization Society, an organisation whose purpose was to facilitation the expatriation of negroes to Africa or Latin America.
Here, during the Civil War, Lincoln meets a group of prominent blacks and tries to persuade them to lead their “soul brothers” away to a black ethno-state where negroes could live free from the oppression of whites.
On Aug. 14 1862, Abraham Lincoln hosted a “Deputation of Free Negroes” at the White House, led by the Rev. Joseph Mitchell, commissioner of emigration for the Interior Department. It was the first time African Americans had been invited to the White House on a policy matter. The five men were there to discuss a scheme that even a contemporary described as a “simply absurd” piece of “charlatanism”: resettling emancipated slaves on a 10,000-acre parcel of land in present-day Panama.
Lincoln immediately began filibustering his guests with arguments so audacious that they retain the ability to shock a reader 150 years later. “You and we are different races,” he began, and “have between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two races.” The African-American race suffered greatly, he continued, “by living among us, while ours suffers from your presence.” Lincoln went on to suggest, “But for your race among us, there could not be war,” and “without the institution of Slavery and the colored race as a basis, the war could not have an existence.” The only solution, he concluded, was “for us both … to be separated.”
The president next turned to what he wanted from the five-man delegation. It was selfish, he suggested, that any of them should “come to the conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a foreign country.” They must “do something to help those who are not so fortunate as yourselves,” for the colonization effort needed “intelligent colored men” who are “capable of thinking as white men, and not those who have been systematically oppressed.” In asking them to “sacrifice something of your present comfort,” Lincoln invoked George Washington’s sacrifices during the American Revolution. He then asked for volunteers. “If I could find twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and children,” he said, “I think I could make a successful commencement.”
Frederick Douglass, the former negro slave who became a prominent anti-slavery campaigner, said this of Lincoln after his death.
It must be admitted, truth compels me to admit, even here in the presence of the monument we have erected to his memory, Abraham Lincoln was not, in the fullest sense of the word, either our man or our model. In his interests, in his associations, in his habits of thought, and in his prejudices, he was a white man.
He was preeminently the white man’s President, entirely devoted to the welfare of white men. He was ready and willing at any time during the first years of his administration to deny, postpone, and sacrifice the rights of humanity in the colored people to promote the welfare of the white people of this country.
This has been known about President Lincoln for over a century, nothing new, and he should be honoured for his common sense, compassion and realistic concerns for his own race, and that of the Negroid race.
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Almost every day, I see people make references to Abraham Lincoln that imply ignorance of these things.
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It is clear that Lincoln was not an ally of the Negro, particularly from speeches that are documented during his time as a Congressman for Illinois and in the Lincoln-Douglas debates. Even so, I find the above quotes highly suspect because they are sourced from a public meeting from which no official transcript exists. It’s basically hearesay if not outright misrepresentation. I also do not believe that the same man that said, “If I could free all the slaves and keep the union together, I would do it. If I could retain the union by freeing some of the slaves and not others, I would do that, too. If I could accomplish it by freeing none of the slaves, then I would be satisfied, as well” …also made the quote below that supposedly came from this White House meeting:
“But for your race among us, there could not be war,” and “without the institution of Slavery and the colored race as a basis, the war could not have an existence.”
Lincoln has many quotes documented on record that verify time and again that the Civil War was NOT about freeing the slaves. He abhorred Negroes and would never have fought a war on their behalf. The war was fought over tariffs and the fact that if the south seceded from the union, taking 80% of the country’s income along with it, the northern economy was certain to collapse. Wars are fought over money, never morals. That quote and the rest of the information about the White “Deputation of Free Negroes” is likely fraudulent. It’s entirely out of character for Lincoln and directly contradicts nearly everything else he ever said about Negroes or the Civil War. There is the odd chance that if the quote in question is Lincoln’s own, that he was playing on the Negroes’ emotion to feel a false sense of responsibility for the war, but in doing so, he was almost certainly lying about the real cause of the war to them to fit his agenda to deport the blacks.
In the end, Lincoln was a tyrant and the worst U.S. president in history, followed by FDR, LBJ and Obama. Although surrounded by Marxists, it’s strange that he would be a race realist. After he was finished destroying state sovereignty and instituting a monolithic central government that would be essential for our communization in the future, Lincoln–like all puppets of the Marxist globalists–was disposed of once he’d outlived his usefulness to the cabal. There was no way in hell they were going to allow Lincoln to deport the blacks out of the U.S., not when there was so much potential for racial division in the decades to come.
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This article is PATENTLY FALSE.
If someone is interested in the truth:
http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v07/v07p319_Dickson.html
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